Sunday, May 2, 2010

Micro-seconds from death (II)

Chapter Two

The Encounter

* The car in my Ijebu Ife country home on the Sunday morning after the attack showing the bullet hole to the windscreen. Photo: Wale Adedayo


* The second bullet hole, which penetrated the bonnet of the car. Photo: Wale Adedayo

* The road in Ilishan where the attack took place. Photo: Wale Adedayo

An SUV, most likely a Toyota Landcruiser, slowed down as it almost got to my right side on the bad sector of the Ago Iwoye/Ilishan Road. The road was being dualised at the time, with a section of it bad. I was about to enter Ilishan on leaving the last portion of Irolu on my way back home in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital. I was alone in the car, having left Ijebu Ife through Atan, Ijebu Igbo and Ago Iwoye earlier.

As in previous nights, the glass windows were wound down. And music from a Cherubim & Seraphim Church Ayo Ni O! Compact Disc was fairly loud and blasting from my car. But unlike previous nights, I did not have the usual bottle of Hennessy to sip from in the car. Not that the usual stockist at Total Petrol Station, Ijebu Igbo roundabout, did not have one. But the voice which often warned me in dreams and other situations was at it again.

As I approached the petrol station opposite the roundabout where the major market in Ijebu Igbo is situated and almost made the right turn into the place, the voice was very firm as almost shouting in its usual inaudible manner for me to move on without taking any alcohol that night.  What is this? There are times you hardly can distinguish between that voice and your own. But each time I disobey what it tells me, something negative often result to my regret. As I slowed down, it came forcefully again, making me realise that indeed, the voice was at it again. I took off and dutifully made the normal left turn at the roundabout to face Ago Iwoye.

The interesting thing was that I had a half filled bottle of Hennessy in the car with me from Ijebu Ife when I left my country home in Okeliwo. The bottle was taken by Otunba Leke Adekoya whose Oke Agbo, Ijebu Igbo country home I had left earlier as he had a number of people with him. I was there to briefly say hello before continuing with my journey to Abeokuta. He gave me a bottle of red wine, which I kept in the car, in exchange for the Hennessy.

But in keeping with my social tradition, I did not drink the wine in order not to offend the ‘purer’ Hennessy. It was a rule among my close friends that diluting Hennessy or Remy Martin, our favourite drink, with any other kind of alcohol should not be encouraged. Once you taste either of the drinks in any particular day that should just be it until the next day when you can take another different type of alcoholic drink. So, when the voice insisted on my not buying another bottle of Hennessy, it was not as if I had not taken a few sips earlier or that it was a plan to ‘pollute’ the ‘pure’ drink with another. In any case, I obeyed the voice and moved on towards Ago Iwoye and from there towards Ilishan.

The jeep that slowed down was going in the opposite direction towards Ago Iwoye. I was not too certain, but it was as if the vehicle had made a sudden U-turn earlier as I observed in front of me. It was a ‘one-way’ driving for me because the other side was still under construction. Driving slowly on that bad portion was often advisable given the bumpy nature of the road, which could mess up one’s car if care was not taken. Even if the shock absorbers of the car are good, deflation of the tyres remains a possibility all through. But at about 10pm during a period many were scared to travel at night because of night marauders, driving slowly could be an invitation to armed robbers to block your car, except you are driving a four wheel like the jeep in question which can move over that kind of surface with ease without discomfort to the occupants of the vehicle or the automobile itself.

Initially, I was curious. Why should a jeep, which appeared to have turned back earlier, slow down the way this one was behaving? On getting to my right side, it slowed down the more, almost to the point of stopping, as I observed two faces from the jeep peering into my car as if to confirm who was there. I know that armed robbers along that portion of the road and the adjourning Shagamu/Benin Expressway often use such exotic vehicles to snatch other cars. But in my encounters with them, I’ve always been confident that as long it was only one vehicle, I could hold my ground against them. My licensed Pump Action Rifle was in the car with me. Certain native ‘insurance’ were also in the car and on my person making it certain that one could not be overpowered. These had worked in previous encounters, and I was always ready to test it to its limits given my sceptical nature as a journalist.

Driving past the jeep that was slowing down, I covered the short distance that took me to the already tarred and dualised portion of the road right inside Ilishan town in a matter of about two to three minutes. The asphalt felt good compared to the bumpy jumpy portion which I had passed through that was under construction. The jeep continued on its journey towards Irolu, and possibly towards Ago Iwoye, because I did not notice its lights in my rear view mirror again. But shortly before getting to an opening in the median that took me to the right side of the dualised carriage way, the sixth telephone call from a friend came through.

Biodun Odusanya and I were students of the Zoology Department in Ogun State University about the same period. He is also a member of the National Association of Seadogs (NAS), which we joined on the same day. But he is an official of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity (ROF), which till date I have refused to join given my late maternal grandfather’s admonition against such a move. I had ignored previous calls from him, which began shortly after I left Adekoya’s country home in Oke Agbo that night. Picking it, my friend’s first words were, “Are you still in Ijebu (Ife) or you’ve left?” He dropped the phone after I had told him I was on my way to Abeokuta already without saying anything again. As I made to move to the right side of the road through the opening in the median, I dropped the mobile phone.

On getting to the other side of the asphalted portion of the road, two vehicles were in front of me. I normally wind down my window at night because I wear glasses. Experience has taught me that if you put the car air-condition on at night, when you wind down or open the door, the first 30 seconds might be your last in case of trouble. Mist would cover the glasses. And in situations like these in Nigeria, your first response matters a lot, because it could very well be the last.

I sought to overtake the vehicles, only for the one directly in front of me to move to the free lane, thus blocking my passage. Initially, I naively believed he was about to overtake the car in front. But it soon drew level with the first car, which I discovered had an Ogun State Government licensed plate number. I am not good at cars. But I also noticed that the car was fairly new and looked like one of the cars we (Ogun State Government) just bought for our officials. I relaxed a bit, thinking both drivers wanted to discuss briefly without stopping, which is a regular thing in this part of the world as long as you are side by side. But doing so at this time of the night was not comfortable for me.

So, the safety instinct in me flared up when both cars slowed down. I instinctively removed my seat belt. I have a simple rule for friends, who often get robbed while in traffic in Lagos. The seat belt is a hindrance to quick reaction in case of danger. I wear a belt ONLY when traffic is free flowing. Once cars slow down in front of me, I remove the belt.

All of a sudden, the car bearing the government plate number, which was directly in front of me, stopped. The second one stopped about a second or two later. Almost immediately, the left passenger door of the government vehicle was flung open with a man clutching an AK47 rifle coming out. Of course, immediately the car stopped, I had moved my pump action rifle from the floor by my left to the right on the passenger seat beside me. Immediately I saw the AK47 with him, I switched the PAF from safety to firing position. But I left it where it was so that the man and his colleagues still feel they have the element of surprise.

As this man moved towards my left, two others with the same type of gun got down from the right passenger side of the vehicle in the back and started taking positions. One moved to the front of my car in between their vehicle and mine, while the third guy moved to my right. He was to later face me from the driver’s passenger side window. In the interim, I just told myself that if this was it, then it will be nice to, at least, get one of them so that they can be easily traced. These thoughts calmed my nerves, because it would have been painful to end up like the founding Editor-In-Chief of Newswatch magazine, Mr. Dele Giwa; former Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Chief Bola Ige; Afenifere/NADECO Leader, Papa Alfred Rewane; wife of the presumed winner of Nigeria’s June 12, 1993 presidential election, Alhaja Kudirat Abiola; Ogun State PDP gubernatorial aspirant, Mr. Dele Arojo; and Lagos State’s Engr. Funso Williams, who were cut down in cold blood without any trace of the killers.

The first guy, who had by now positioned himself did not utter a word as he tried to lift up his rifle to level with me on the driver's seat. Initially, when he was coming, the prayers that came with my thoughts were that he should be close enough for my rifle. Pump Action Rifles are notoriously weak on impact with increasing distance between the gun and the target. If the target is not close enough, PAF cannot knock it down for an outright kill. But as the gunman to my left tried to get a level, my prayers were already answered because I got him straight to the face. In agony, he shouted in Yoruba with a hand to the face and the other hand clumsily clutching his rifle as he went down: “O ti yin ‘bon fun mi l’oju! (He has shot me in the face!).”

The second would-be-assassin was well positioned directly in front my Toyota Camry LE 2008 Model car. As in the case of not wearing seat belt in places I consider dangerous in Lagos while in traffic, it has been my driving habit in any suspected crime prone area to leave enough room between my car the one in front of me. This rule of mine was effected when both cars stopped in front of me. Another rule that has always paid of for me apart from enough space between our cars is that I do not put the engine off. My car was an automatic. So, I just put the gear in parking mode, with the head lamps fully on and the engine running. Even without a gun, once you establish the vehicle in front is that of robbers or assassins as in my own case, you can hit their car in a way that will draw serious attention from people around before they strike. Or if you are lucky, like me, you can still manage with or without injuries to escape by bashing your car against anything around. Without enough room, there is no way you can manoeuvre your car.

Almost simultaneously the first gunman got his face filled with bullets from my gun, the assailant in front who was well positioned took two shots at me. I felt a very sharp pain as if one was bitten by a large soldier ant between my chest and right shoulder. I thought the bullet had torn through to make its mark. But there was nothing like that. The bullet tore through the windscreen, no doubt. And it was very well aimed like a professional assassin targeting my heart. But it appeared I bent slightly to face the first assailant on the left through the window while taking my shot at him. It was almost like a fresh driver making a round through a steep bend in the road. You often bend with the car. I laughed at myself several months later since one is not a professional soldier or policeman for bending with the gun to take aim at the man that was about to kill me. If I had not bend slightly at the time, the bullet as it were was meant for my heart! The guy in front was a professional, no doubt about it.

But why did the bullet not penetrate my body? Could it be true that all the traditional ‘insurance’ against bullets and the like that one had been taking since childhood really works? The account (traditional diary of how to prepare ‘insurance’) inherited from my maternal grandfather, Obojo, contained different items like that, which I also benefitted directly from him before his passage to join our ancestors in 1988. But I burnt it after my conversion to Christianity in 1994. In my relationship with the Oodua Peoples Congress (Gani Adams faction), one also got a number of such ‘insurance’, despite the fact that I refused to join the organisation till date. Or was it the fasting, prayers and igbele in the last three days of December 2008, which the Pastor of a Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) recommended for me?

So, immediately after scoring on the first guy, I drew myself up on the car window and gave the guy in front a shot, which happened shortly before the report of his second shot at me. He too shouted and took cover. But I could not make out the language he spoke. Till today, I do not know where the strength to sit on the driver side window came from or how it was that possible for my hands to be steady in taking the shots one after the other calmly, but fast enough, before my would-be-assailants could do any damage to my body or kill me outright. I was not injured at all. My cloth was not torn in any way, despite the fact that the first bullet hit me. We could not trace its path in the car as well, because unlike the second one that hit the bonnet and lodged in the hydraulic pipe which was damaged, we could not trace the first bullet.

As I climbed down to my seat, I was convinced of death, because the guy to my right had all the opportunities in this world for a clean and clear shot(s). Pictures of my wife and the children flashed through my mind. How will her pregnancy be? (She has since given birth to Akintomiwa on 2 July 2009). How would she cope, knowing fully well our precarious financial position? How will my mum, Iya Seri, take it? It is a fact that of her five children (Doyin, Ibrahim (Aye Baba), Dayo, Myself and Seri), she dotes on Dayo and I most. It would have been a terrible blow after losing her husband in her early 30s. But how the children would take the story of my confrontation with the assassins was very important to me because the charge I’ve always given to them was never to be afraid of anyone. In an ironic way, not that I smiled, but something close to that came to my heart as I waited for death to come through the gun of the third assassin. I was pleased that they will be happy that their father was able to take out two of those sent to kill him. Till now, I still shiver when I remember what could have happened.

After a few seconds that seemed like eternity that I did not hear or feel the report of any gunshot, I stole a very careful glance using only my eyes towards the driver’s passenger side to the right of my car. What I saw made me turn my head to that side and a small portion of my shoulder to take a good look at the miracle showing itself right before my eyes! The assassin was bent over and instead of facing upwards seemed too busy struggling with his gun, which appeared to have jammed. He was really struggling with it. Meanwhile, in turning the head, my right hand had instinctively began to lift the PAF on my laps before the left one joined after seeing the spectacle before me. As I marvelled at the works of the Almighty wondering how on earth the assassin’s gun could have jammed, I lifted the gun and took a direct shot at the centre of his head which was presented to me through the window. He emitted an animal cry as he went down, finally.

Naively, I had believed the worst was over because the second car had been motionless without any activity or anyone coming out of it throughout the encounter I had with the three men from the first car with the Ogun State Government licensed plate numbers. In that instant of taking out the third assassin, a crazy thought came to me. I’ve often toyed with the idea of taking an AK47 from any dead armed robber who’s had an encounter with me. But in that very instant between the third assassin being hit and my thanking God it was all over, the two back doors of the second car flew open almost at the same time with a force that seemed as if the devil himself was in that car. Three men clutching the same AK47s alighted from the car and made straight for me. I knew it was like a back up team. In that micro-seconds, the voice that had spoken to me earlier in Ijebu Igbo insisting I should not buy another bottle of Hennessy that night came in the same firm manner saying, “Wale, move!!!” The voice has never mentioned my name before in all previous experiences with it. It was the first time, and my body responded instinctively as if a spirit was in charge of me.

I don't know how the decision came. But in that split instant, something moved in me that it was time to escape. All this while, my car engine was still running. But it was stationary with the two headlamps on. Only that the automatic Camry 2008 model had its gear in parking mode. I changed to D (drive) from P (parking) and squeezed between the median of the dualised road and the government plated car in front of me with a momentum that seemed as if one was involved in car racing. It was a flight for dear life! Almost within the same instant, the second car that had just disgorged its merchants of death roared to life and sought to block my passage by moving to cross my path right across the Ogun State Government licensed car which was by now at my right side. Pressing down very hard on the accelerator, I hit the assassins’ second car viciously. The driver desperately sought to pin me to the median. But despite his efforts, I broke loose and headed straight for the Shagamu/Benin Expressway, instead of passing through Iperu town to the right as I would have done if there had not been any incident.

It was the car that was trying to block my passage I first saw in my rear view mirror coming after me in hot pursuit. The second car soon followed. God was really at work that night because I would have had an automobile accident on linking up with the Shagamu/Benin Expressway. A lorry on its way from the Ijebu Ode end of the road was almost at the Ilishan/Ikenne Junction when I approached. My first instinct was to wait for it to go in order to avoid an accident that would have also claimed my life. But the same voice insisted that I should move. By now the lorry was even closer. Well, in that split second, I told myself, maybe God does not want me to die in the hands of these assassins as He seems to prefer an automobile accident instead. It seemed good to me too that the killers should not claim the credit for my death, and I hit the road with that top speed and turned towards Shagamu. It was really God at work. I almost lost control of the car in that instant. In getting back towards Shagamu, the car made straight for the end of the concrete median on the expressway. If my hand had tarried for a second in changing course towards Shagamu properly, it would have been a head on approach straight into the concrete. The car changed course in a zig zag manner towards Shagamu as the lorry screeched to almost a stop because it was about to hit my car from the back.

It was this very dangerous manoeuvre that was the second and final act of grace for me. The heavy lorry formed a barrier between the assassins’ vehicles and mine. They were almost upon me. As I regained control and stepped up the gas to make a final get away from the killers, a frantic search for my official mobile phone was a disappointment. It had dropped to the floor of the car during the dangerous manoeuvres I made earlier. But a Blackberry Storm model I used with a Globacom sim card was still in the cup holder where I normally place it when there is no drink in the car. A cursory glance in the rear view mirror revealed my assailants were back on the trail.

But the lorry, which they had by now overtaken, had created enough space between my car and their’s. Irrespective of this seeming advantage, I pressed harder on the gas as I used one hand to place a call to the Chief Detail to the Governor, who is a staff of the State Security Service. I am sure my voice was shaking as I spoke with him, explaining in unmistakable terms that I have just escaped an assassination. As a student of security and strategic studies, I described in clear details where it happened, the vehicles involved and where I was and also headed. The man was with Daniel at the Awujale’s palace in Ijebu Ode at the time. The Governor was having a meeting with the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona. His phone was apparently on speaker, because some other security personnel with him heard my frantic call. In addition, he also told me that himself after the incident and I have no reason to doubt him.

The second call was to my wife, Ajoke, because it was something we had been expecting since 2008 (more on this later). A friend, Mr. Femi Davies, whose Pastor had assisted (more on this also later) late last year, was the third person I called. But shortly before I got to the first turning into Shagamu through Isale Oko, I did not notice the cars again. Shortly before I got to Shagamu, a call came through my BlackBerry from Alhaji Moibi Olufodun asking which Press Secretary of the Governor was under attack. I confirmed it was myself, and he immediately offered to move from his Ago Iwoye base to assist me. I was taken aback. How did he know, because I was yet to get to Shagamu? He said one of the ‘boys’ who heard the conversation among the security men in the Governor’s convoy alerted him. My brain went into a spin. If Moibi, who was in Ago Iwoye knew within five minutes of the incident and was willing to move with boys, what happened to the Police and SSS? Till date, I still felt like being set up again because he was asking for my precise position.

Moibi, who is the current Secretary to the Ijebu North Local Government Council, worked with me as Field Officer of the same local government during my service as Director of Organisation, PDP Ogun State. The Field Officer system was an initiative one borrowed from the defunct Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party in terms of micro-managing a volatile and complex political system or society during my sojourn in the party secretariat (more on this in a forthcoming book, “In the line of fire: Party organisation in a young democracy”). My response to Moibi was to ask certain basic security questions in terms of those coming with him and what they were coming with. His response was queer. But being a person I trust, a space for a benefit of the doubt was still left for him. I promised to call him back.

My telephone call to Imole, the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) (Gani Adams faction) Chairman in Shagamu Local Government at the time, who is also the defacto leader of the organisation in Ogun East Senatorial District did not yield the assistance required. He responded to my request for assistance with an excuse that he was celebrating his recent release from detention at a party in his place and that the boys who were not there had gone on out night patrol. And quite rightly, I could hear the noise of music in the background. Imole was in charge of security for pipelines of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company from Shagamu to Ore in Ondo State. It was a blow to me, because Imole is someone who had intervened in several armed robbery cases along the Shagamu/Benin Expressway before. He has had several encounters with the police as well for what they, funny enough, claimed was not his job, but which they were not willing at the time to do, especially when people were under attack. Once I call him, pronto he would be on the way with his men to assist those in distress. But on this night, I could not be assisted.

As in any battle, when a reprieve or ceasefire happens, you need to take stock immediately and weigh the options. This made me to reduce my speed as I made my way towards the last major junction along the expressway in Shagamu as one heads towards the old toll gate in the direction of Abeokuta. First, there was no attempt whatsoever from the Governor to send help despite the fact that my first call while the killers were still on my heels was to his Chief Detail. The only move to assist came from Moibi. As I was weighing my options, Julius, called back to ask if all was well and where I was. My answer was in the affirmative, but without an answer to his second question. I simply ended the conversation because I was angry. Why should this happen to me? Why was help not sent? In situations like these one often would not want to believe the obvious. Deep down in me, I knew an attack from within had taken place. But as if in a trance, my question remained, who dared to undertake this kind of assignment against me? My mind went to a warning given to me in private by a senior security official attached to the Governor in November 2008. We were in the Governor’s Shagamu residence on the day in question as he pulled me aside and spoke in a very low but concerned voice; “Babalawo, I know you are a very strong man. But my brother, watch your back. I like you and I wont tell you more than that.” Coming from a senior figure among the law enforcement officials around the Governor, it should have shaken me. But my friend was shocked to hear my response: “I know wetin dey. Make you no worry. God dey.” Briefly, I told him my suspicions and made him aware I was also planning my exit before anything untoward happened.

It was after these thoughts that I made a final decision. And shortly arriving at that decision, I called my wife who went hysterical pleading that I change my mind. My decision, as I informed her, was to go after the assassins who came for me. If they succeed in killing me, so be it. I will never run away from persons who seem to want to quietly put me down for an offence I did not commit after four years of selfless service to the system. As she was interrupting me, my firm instruction was what I had often told her: To be buried beside my dad in Ijebu Ife. And that no matter what, the children should be encouraged to know the place as home in case I did not make it. I subsequently cut her off. She tried calling back, disturbing an important call I wanted to make. She, apparently, alerted my immediate elder brother, Dayo, because his calls, which I ignored also came through. I just pressed the end button without accepting any of the calls. Eventually, I got through to the person I was trying to reach. But it was a very big disappointment.

The major blow of the events of that night of January 10, 2009 came from the state OPC Chairman, Mr. Musediq Jimoh, who is currently the Vice Chairman of Abeokuta South Local Government Council. I did not have his number on my BlackBerry. It was a senior cadre of the organisation in Abeokuta, who also doubled as my CSO when I was the Director of Organisation of the Peoples Democratic Party Ogun State, Tyson (nom de guere), that my call went to for onward transmission to Muse, as we call him. His response was to the effect that Muse claimed he was in Sango Otta for a family meeting, and not in Abeokuta.

Haba!, I complained to Tyson over the phone. “When did not being in town became a hindrance to sending some assistance my way given the explanations I had made about the attempt on my life.!” What I requested for was simple: Four tested cadres with the right equipment to join me in going after the assassins. I wanted to hunt them down that night. And since Imole was not favourably disposed to giving me assistance, Abeokuta should not be a problem. Ijebu Ode, where Akeem (Igwe) held sway as Chairman was out of it, not just because of distance. I suspect he was too close to the Commissioner for Water Resources & Rural Development, Akogun Kola Onadipe (more on the man later). In my haste to get assistance from Abeokuta, I forgot that Muse had been brought under Onadipe’s wing. Muse closed the discussion with Tyson henceforth, and I had to park the car by the roadside in frustration and anger.

If my driver, Kayode, had been in the car, I felt sure we would have tackled the six men or even if they had been more. He is from Ijebu Ife like myself and was a tested hand. A former driver, Rasak, and I had successfully tackled some armed robbers on the Lagos/Ibadan Expressway before. And it was about a few minutes to 10pm. A colleague, Siji Oyesile, was returning to Lagos for the weekend and my usual voice insisted I escort him up to the Redemption Camp before turning back. Despite the barricades put on the road by the robbers, I created enough room for Siji to escape with his car, while myself and Rasak got down and engaged the robbers. Similar scenes had taken place on the Shagamu/Benin Expressway between the men of the underworld and my car in the past too. It was not a big deal once you are prepared and the number against you is not up to 20. To me, only persons bent on suicide would wait after at least eight out of 20 of them would have died in an encounter. In addition, it is very doubtful if help would not have come in such a situation because it would have taken more time.

In the current case, what I needed was an additional hand like that. I simply needed one or two more people to get to the root of the matter. My plan was simple. Take all of them out to recover one or more dead bodies with which to trace who coordinated the attack and from there to get definitive evidence of the person that gave the order for my death. In arriving at a decision to call Tyson again, I had told myself that if the man should agree to come, I’ll drive toward the interchange on the way to Abeokuta to wait for him. Tyson agreed to come alone. There was nobody else willing to come. He also did not have anything on him, not even access to a vehicle that could fast track his movement to where I was so that the assassins would not get away. It was with a heavy heart I agreed to drive down to Abeokuta in Ake to pick him up from the state OPC secretariat. I drove like a mad person to make it back on time as my elder brother, Dayo also called persistently. But I did not answer the phone knowing fully well that my wife would have alerted him to the decision to go after the assassins.

Despite the late hour, Ake was busy. I had to turn and park by the local government secretariat instead of going to the OPC base to pick Tyson up. While waiting for him, a young acquaintance, who is a political appointee in Abeokuta South Local Government saw my vehicle and stopped. He wanted to share plesantries but was shocked to see the bullet holes: one through the windscreen and the other through the bonnet of the car. Initially, I was very rude to him because of my state of mind. But I apologised and refused to answer questions from him again. Tyson soon joined me. But there was no extra gun. However, we had two cutlasses, which he could use in case of a close encounter that one was trying to avoid. On getting back to the Shagamu/Benin Expressway, my instruction to Tyson was to concentrate on the traffic coming from the Ijebu Ode end in watching out for any vehicle with Ogun State Government plate numbers. I did same on our side of the road as well as we headed towards Ilishan junction. By this time, I had called Moibi back to ask that he joined us at Ilishan with his men.

Unfortunately, maybe we missed ourselves, but we did not see Moibi or his people till we drove back to Ijebu Ife through the same route I had taken earlier to pass the night. When we got to where I believed was the spot of the attack, we looked around without any physical sign whatsoever that anything happened there earlier. But I counted up to five local people who were watching from a safe distance in front of their houses along the road that night. Tyson pleaded we return to Abeokuta. But I responded with a firm no. I needed to complete the trail and also assure the young men of my home town who had heard about the attack from my driver to calm down.

As if Tyson’s premonition would come true, shortly before the first bridge after Irolu Town towards Ago Iwoye, the car engine suddenly stopped. It was the kind of scenario that happens when the engine is shut down by a remote system. A brand new car, which was less than a year old just packing up like that? Initially, I felt that a bullet may have pierced the engine. But no matter what, the promise I had from God was to see me through what was coming. Since He has given me the grace to do the needful, I felt certain the car would roar back to life. I turned the key in the ignition and it roared back to life. But Tyson was shaken and I pitied him. It was mostly in silence we rode back to Ijebu Ife, while keeping an eye out for the assassins who I believed might have deployed others to monitor my movements from the town earlier. Upon getting to my village, Okeliwo, I composed a text message which I sent to the Governor. He called back shortly after that, about a few minutes past 12 midnight. He asked if I was okay and I responded in the affirmative. That was all. It was in my house in Okeliwo we discovered the bullet lodged in the hydraulic system. In fact, it was God’s grace again because the steering of the car became stiff from Ago Iwoye onwards till we got to Ijebu Ife that night.

Micro-seconds from death (I)






Chapter One

Ziggy[1] from within


Surviving an assassination plot is not new. It depends on fate, the calibre of the person concerned and sometimes excellent work by law enforcement agencies in detecting the plot on time. Because those who kill others for a fee are not ghosts, they are often bound to make mistakes either before or after the criminal act. In certain instances, there have been others who survive such acts with injuries. But survive they did, to live another day. Politicians, journalists, judges and ordinary political activists have often been targets of assassins sent by persons with an axe to grind or secrets to keep. The other category, which most of those targeted could hardly escape from, is that directed at an insider within an organisation. Even if the person survives, there are two major things to battle with: security and repairs to damage in his credibility.

Sponsors of assassinations could be likened to the King of Darkness, who abhors any kind of light around his/her person. Secrecy and cover ups using every available means at their disposal forms the deep cover of darkness around them. Whoever, directly or indirectly tries to shine some light through information into their activities will most likely be put down in the most ruthless of manners. Physical elimination of the information bearer remains the first option here. But where this has become impossible, everything will be done to damage the credibility of the person with the ability to open up on the King of Darkness hiding among minions ready to do their Master’s bidding at the snap of two fingers. The scenario painted has not been different for me since that night of Saturday, 10 January 2009 when I was almost killed by six gunmen in Ilishan Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria.

Fate played a very crucial role in my being alive after the attack. Till date, the circumstances surrounding the attack and my survival are issues, which constitute serious spiritual lessons for me. They shattered some previously held spiritual assumptions, while strengthening others that shaped my growing up years. But in more ways than one, given the events preceding that night and the attack itself, till date I am still trying to find answers to critical issues raised in my adopted Christian faith unlike the Islam I was born into, which does not need any explanation. It is the same thing with my native Yoruba beliefs, which clashed with Christianity to a point of no return that night. Although some light are being shed through some Christian friends into this issues that I have dubbed, an intersection of faiths, it might take a while before it finally sinks in given the disdain that one had treated traditional beliefs with in the past.

But barely 48 hours after the attempt to assassinate me, some faceless agents of the Governor, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, began a campaign of calumny to water down the expected negative public opinion against the attack. Text messages to discredit me began circulating on Monday, 12 January 2009 claiming among others that: “There was no attack on Wale Adedayo. He planned what he claimed happened with members of the OPC to stop the governor from sacking him.” I was not surprised. It was something I had expected, given my knowledge of the man I had worked with so closely in the last four years. But my thoughts were concentrated on safety first, ahead of any other thing as only the living can give a proper account of what happened later, no matter how long.

The negative texts were reinforced with word of mouth propaganda especially among persons within the OGD system in Ogun Central and Ogun East Senatorial Districts. But it was more prevalent in Abeokuta. The claims insisted on the ‘fact’ that the attack designed to kill me was staged-managed to gain public sympathy. This was after spirited efforts to bury what happened had failed woefully as the story was published by most newspapers on Monday, a little over 30 hours after the attack. But the ziggy could not be sustained with most people refusing to buy the theory. In an ironic twist of fate, some policemen and State Security Service (SSS) officials serving in the government sent solidarity messages and counselled that I leave town immediately. Of course, some loyal party cadres were shocked and wanted revenge. And contrary to advice from my SSS and police friends, I travelled round again to calm a number of the boys down. They should not take on one another, I counselled, as not everyone has the nerve or principle to reject certain instructions.

With the reality dawning on the set of amateur ziggy operatives being used that the attack could not be covered up, towards the evening of the same day, they invented another theory: It was an armed robbery attack, which the police were already investigating. This was what they held on to for a long time with the Commissioner for Information & Orientation, Mr. Kayode Samuel, and Security Adviser to the Governor, Alhaji Lamidi Odulawa, addressing a press conference to confirm it a few days later. But curiously enough, and as expected in similar cases, the police was not part of the press conference. The Vice Chancellor of Olabisi Onabanjo University, Prof. Odutola Osilesi, his driver and a security aide of the VC were at the press conference, where they told the invited journalists that it was the official car snatched from them the robbers used to attack me. According to them, this explains the car with Ogun State Government licensed plate number that I saw.

The VC’s driver said he was made to lie face down in the car as the robbers drove away with it. This was a measure to ensure the car did not stop due to security measures which could have been installed in it. The driver confirmed the exchange of gunfire between the robbers and I. He also confirmed that the robbers lamented the death of one of them in the gunfire exchange. But I will always dispute this claim because there is no doubt that the other two will die of their injuries, if they did not do so immediately given the spot of the bullets on their bodies. According to the driver, the ‘armed robbers’ went back to the scene after returning from chasing me to pick up their dead colleague. The man gave a graphic account of what he believed was happening until he was dropped off at a point by the robbers who did not kill him. For him, it was God’s grace and mercy that saved him as he later wandered around until he could locate his boss. With his statement, the OGD Administration believed it had finally collapsed arguments that it was an assassination attempt.

Of course, the VC and his men could be excused. They were unaware that one of the strategies of a ‘perfect assassination’ on the road was to feign armed robbery attack. The first or second vehicle ahead of a target one is attacked before descending on the victim of an assassination. But none of those in the first wave of attacks would be killed, except in extra-ordinary circumstances. In attacking the first set of victims who would not be killed, instructions and threats from the ‘armed robbers’ should happen. This will not be so for the main target, who will be killed with his/her vehicle snatched to make the robbery theory believable. Nonetheless, the vehicle will be found later either within Nigeria or in the neighbouring Benin Republic because there was no need for it in the first place. It was a strategy designed to take out two members of the Ogun State House of Assembly in 2008, but which failed, apparently, due to a superior spiritual strength by one the proposed victims, Hon. Wale Alausa (Ijebu Ode State Constituency). Dr. Tokunbo Oshin (Ijebu Igbo State Constituency) would have joined Alausa had the plot against the legislator from Ijebu Ode succeeded. Their sins: membership of the Group of 15 legislators opposed to the strong arm tactics of the governor.

When the Samuel-organised press conference did not stop the whisperings about the attack, especially the fact that it was organised from within, another ziggy spinning began. Shortly after my resignation, informal information dissemination from within the OGD system to the media and other opinion moulders was a reversal to the first ziggy that I stage-managed the attack. They claimed I shot at my windscreen from the inside of the car, and that I was never attacked. Funny enough, not one of those being fed this theory asked why bullets from a Pump Action Rifle that I held made one entry each into the windscreen and my car’s bonnet. Being pellets, a bullet from a PAR scatters, creating little holes over a wide area when the target is close. But the bullet marks on my vehicle was a single entry to the windscreen and another one on the bonnet of the car.

Financial and material inducements to those invited to hear their own side of the story became the order of the day with a number of individuals and organisations falling over themselves to get a share of the Abeokuta largesse. Choice cars were combined with pecuniary benefits to make the OGD system’s stories believable. It was another Gen. Sani Abacha circus all over again. I was labelled a blackmailer, with claims that it was a failed attempt to get money from the governor which made me release the information that I was attacked. More on this later. Hitherto trusted friends joined the largesse train with some of them doing volunteer ziggy jobs in Lagos and elsewhere to run me down. The belief that one had made so much money while there made a lot of converts for OGD. It was also confirmed that I should have been replaced as the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor for inefficiency and embezzlement of funds since late 2008. The ziggy promoters claimed it was a fear of being replaced, which necessitated my allegations of being attacked. More, also, on this later.

Not done with that, an Ogun State executive meeting of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) Gani Adams faction was called in Abeokuta where it was ‘revealed’ to the militant group’s officials that I have been sitting on N76.8m meant as monthly disbursement to its cadres in the state since January 2005 at a rate of N1.6m per month. Of course, there was no truth in this. It was only the leader of the group, Gani Adams, that the governor gave instructions for a monthly allowance of one million naira (N1m) for. The funds come from the Commissioner for Special Duties, Chief Kola Sorinola, who had been briefed by the governor to that effect. But I was the conduit for transferring the money. It is possible the state OPC officials complained about nothing getting to them before this ziggy of ‘chopping’ their money was released at the meeting. But instead of the intended effect of getting OPC members in Ogun State to go after me, the discussions there were dutifully relayed by a number of them who knew about my selfless contributions to the organisation despite the betrayal by its top echelon.

The national head of the herbalists of the same OPC, Asegongo, who is based in Abeokuta and has been involved in a lot of spiritual assistance to the governor, was also told that the governor sent five million naira (N5m) to him through me. Unlike the executive members who took the information given to them with a pinch of salt, the man believed the story. I had cause to call Asegongo following his father’s death shortly after the lies fed to him that whatever was intended for me spiritually will always go back to the senders. They were naïve to believe that any herbalist for that matter was my strength. I knew one was in Egypt and among very strong Egyptians. But given my background, they were never my strength. Doing what was necessary on errand for the political survival of an unappreciative boss was different from forgetting my roots. As with the Ogun State OPC executive members, the reason for making the false claim about the money was to induce the herbalist against me. He was induced, no doubt. But God has continued to protect me from every spiritual attack from that quarter till date.

It was the same ziggy with a number of senior journalists, especially Editors, who naively believed the packaged lies against me – all in a vain attempt to discredit my person and whatever story one might release later. But the most audacious of the ziggy was the use of the Publisher of Conscience International magazine, Chief Abiola Ogundokun, to discredit me. The man enjoyed patronage for his magazine from the OGD Administration before my entry into the system. But the patronage apparently became an under the table deal after my appointment. Ogundokun was to be appreciated by OGD later after his many exchanges with me on the social networking site, Facebook, where he uses a fake name to attack my person. I understand some senior officials of government represented the government at a chieftaincy ceremony by Ogundokun in his hometown, Iwo, Osun State in 2009. But a detailed account of my encounter with Ogundokun and similar responses to his lies against me are contained in a forthcoming book.

Leaving the shores of Nigeria for Cardiff, United Kingdom in September 2009 was a mixture of relief and sadness for my family and I. But my wife and I felt it was time to actualise a long held dream of publishing a magazine, from the UK and also activate a security measure to safeguard one’s life. Given our dire financial straits, we had to sell our only house in Lagos at a very ridiculous amount to do what we had to do. We also sold two of our cars. But interestingly enough, efforts to get reporters for the magazine, Uhuru, in the UK was almost frustrated by OGD’s admirers, who had circulated a malicious rumour that my trip to the UK and the magazine were sponsored by the governor. A number of people kept away from me after this episode in classical propaganda. It was only in the night of our first editorial meeting in a restaurant in Brixton did the opportunity of presenting my case – first hand- come for me. Before then, I was labelled an ingrate who took money from OGD and trying to paint the same man black.

Even before then, almost everyone was keeping away from us before my trip to the UK. Some out of fear of being labelled our friend, thus becoming targets of ‘armed robbers’, while others belong to a school of thought with the belief that one did not share ‘stolen’ government funds with them. The last category was the Abeokuta converts who were the evangelists of the propaganda being fed a gullible system about me. Nonetheless, there remains an individual using a fake name, Lagbaja Ola, on an internet forum, Naijapolitics, where he made claims that I killed a lady and buried her in my Ijebu Ife home for rituals. This was well circulated by the OGD system as another example of how discredited I was. But till date, and despite repeated demands to substantiate his allegations, the faceless writer has not done so. Initially, I was made to believe the Commissioner for Youths & Sports, Mr. Bukola Olopade, was responsible. It later proved incorrect. Indications suggest the person is one of the Correspondents of a national newspaper in Abeokuta, who enjoyed generous patronage from me during my stay in the Ogun State capital.

And recently, despite claims of embezzlement against me, fresh efforts are being made to twist facts of loans I took from some financial institutions. According to the newly appointed Commissioner for Information & Orientation, Mr. Sina Kawonise, the debts meant nobody should believe anything from me. But he did not explain the reason  for his infantile argument, except to claim that most of the things OGD is being accused of were orchestrated by me. 


[1] In the OGD Administration, ziggy simply means the political equivalent of 419, i.e deception to achieve a political end.

Tuesday, July 28, 2009

My responses to Prof. Bolaji Aluko on Lt. Col. Victor Banjo

(Following some exchanges concerning the betrayal of the late Lt. Col. Victor Adebukunola Banjo by elements of the Yoruba leadership shortly before the Nigerian civil war in 1967, a few of my responses are hereby collated, drawing extensively from the book, A break in the Silence: Lt. Col. Adebukunola Banjo, by Prof. Adetowun Ogunsheye. These were mainly posted to, naijapolitics, omoodua, talknigeria and yorubaworld - all being discussion groups hosted by Yahoo).

Response to Prof. Bolaji Aluko on Victor Banjo (1)

Prof. Aluko, You wrote:

>Wale: While waiting for the 24-hours to read more excerpts, I am intrigued at
>the gospel-like nature that you have conferred on Auntie Bimpe's book on
>her brother, which can only be second-hand accounts.

I disagree with your assertion about “second hand account”. First, the woman, along with her husband (Prof. Ayo Ogunsheye), was a member of the Yoruba Leaders of Thought group assembled to chart a way forward for the Yoruba Nation in the aftermath of the July 1966 counter-coup by Northern military officers.

Secondly, it is not my view that you should agree with what I write. But kindly understand that God also endowed we younger ones with some wisdom to understand certain unspoken words. Persons junior to me work with the CIA and MI6 as analysts pouring over scores of documents to positively identify threats and proffer solutions to challenges without being on the field AT ALL! Ojukwu’s book is welcome anytime he wants to publish it. But whatever he writes will be placed side by side with other accounts of the war for each individual or group to make up their minds about the ‘truth’. And that is what I have done given the books and other accounts of the war I have digested so far.

But please read Prof. Ogunsheye’s account as my response to this first issue. Other answers will follow shortly:

“In July of 1966, the Northern army officers executed their own coup. They killed Maj. Gen. Ironsi, the Head of State, while he was a guest of the Western Region Military Governor, Col. Adekunle Fajuyi. It was alleged that Fajuyi had opted to die with Ironsi with whom he refused to surrender. sOther rumours alleged that he was given no such option but was taken away with Ironsi. They were both killed. The Western Region had also become a victim in the Northern coup.

“The army officers retaliated the killing of the civilian Prime Minister and the Northern Premier and quite a number of army officers of Northern origin by killing many Ibo army officers. This was followed in the North by the pogrom, a genocide massacre directed at Ibos in the North. Many Yorubas were also victims of this massacre. It took everybody by surprise. There was a mass exodus of Ibos to the East and a similar movement of Yorubas to the West.

“Gowon was installed as the new Head of State in Lagos. He was not of Hausa-Fulani ethnic group, but he was a Northerner. He appointed another Army officer, Adeyinka Adebayo as governor for the West. He also released the Western Region Leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who had been put in detention by the Tafawa Balewa government, thus mollifying the West. Ojukwu, the Military Governor of the East had declared secession and the creation of Biafra in response to the genocide against the Ibos in the Northern riots.

“With the arrival of the Yoruba refugees in the West, the Yoruba leadership was in a dilemma. Under Gowon’s regime, the family had enjoyed a respite from harassment and had experienced a feeling of being back into the mainstream of politics. My husband and I were, therefore, invited to the Yoruba Leaders of Thought meeting. This meeting was called to deliberate on the stand of the Yorubas. They decided at the meeting that if the East was allowed to secede, the West would not be part of a truncated Nigeria. They would also secede.

“In the confusion that followed the pogrom, Gowon, in a statement, had admitted that the basis for one Nigeria no longer seemed to exist. Ojukwu in the Eastern Region had meanwhile declared secession and requested Ibos to come back to the East. There was a mass migration of Ibos to the East, not only from the North, but also from the West. Ojukwu had also released all Ffederal Government detainees in the Eastern Region.

We gathered that Victor was among those he released. He was now a free man. He had offered to come over to the West and offered his services to the Gowon Government. Gowon is alleged to have replied that he could only come over as a prisoner. Instead of leaving the country, as we expected him to do, he had stayed on as friend and adviser to Ojukwu. It was alleged that he was helping him to train an Army for reasons he gave in the next episode as Commander of the National Liberation Army. The family with this development came again under the surveillance of the federal forces in power.”

Wale Adedayo

________________________________________________________________________________

(Banjo was detained from January 18, 1966 - May 30/first week in June
1967. [When he was released is questionable, but my gut feeling was that
it was within days of May 30. Banjo stated that he was detained for 14
months in his August 1967 Midwest broadcast. That would put his release
at February/March 1967, unless of course he was talking about being
jailed in one place (Ikot-Ekpene? ) for 14 months. Obi Nwakanma says
that he was released by Ojukwu in April - but how could that be since
Ojukwu had no power to release a man jailed for TREASON to the NATION in
APril 1967 BEFORE he declared Biafra on May 30, 1967? Besides, Banjo's
release in April would put him in the East - and possibly in Enugu - in
May 5-7 when Awolowo's delegation met with Ojukwu. Was Banjo anywhere
around then? Is there any record of that? Or since Awolowo was jailed
in nearby Calabar until August 1966 - meaning that Banjo and Awo were
co-prisoners within travelling distance of each other for possibly 5 - 7
months, maybe they discussed and agreed on the Midwest incursion then?
) –Prof. Bolaji Aluko.

Prof. Ogunsheye: “After the (Yoruba) Leaders of Thought meeting, a decision had been taken to contact him (Victor Banjo). We (herself & husband) were required to provide a code which will assure him that they (those sent on the mission) were not spies, but bona fide emissary of the West. We had suggested that they used a combination of numbers that was derived from the registration numbers of our two cars. It seemed brilliant at the time. We felt the West was going to get help. We had seemed exposed and helpless after the Leaders of Thought meeting.

“It was rumoured that soldiers of Western origin had been disarmed, and armed soldiers of Northern origin had not been resposted to the North as was agreed. Instead, they had been reinforced by soldiers of Chadian origin.

“The West was, therefore, in a state of siege by the Northern soldiers. It was rumoured that some Ibos who had stayed in the West had been molested in the market and were stoutly defended by the Yorubas. Some Ibos were in fact taking refuge with some Yoruba families. The university staff who were of Ibo origin had almost all left the University of Ibadan campus. It was rumoured that the North was ready to subdue the West militarily.

“Then came the news that a force led by Col. Banjo had invaded the Mid-West. This made the family jittery. I concluded he was coming in response to the request from the West. But how did he mobilize troops so quickly? Who were members of his army? This was explained at dusk of the same day by his broadcast as Brigadier Victor Banjo, Commander of the National Liberation Army.” A break in the silence: Lt. Col. Victor Adebukunola Banjo (pgs 46 – 47).

Prof. Bolaji Aluko: (- Re-structuring of Nigeria from 4 regions to 12 states occurred on May
27; secession by Biafra occurred May 30, war started July 6 as "police
action" from the Federal side, and invasion of the Midwest started
August 9, and movement to the West was to proceed without delay
thereafter. Was the invasion/liberation of the Midwest/West planned
BEFORE the secession/war, or does it take a month for plan it, and for
Banjo to also commence and conclude all the agreements with the top
political and military leaders of the Midwest and West? Where, for
example, according to Obi Nwakanma, was the vote taken in which
OGBEMUDIA voted for the take-over, and only one un-named person voted
against it?)

I believe Ojukwu was hasty in the decision to implement the secessionist plan almost immediately. Strategically, he could have bought more time for the young nation by noise making and other kinds of propaganda as he continues negotiation/mediation with Gowon while training and arming the Biafran Army, away from Federal glare. Afterall, the East, as it were then was a no go area for ANY federal sysmpathiser. Banjo mentioned something similar in his defence at the kangaroo tribunal that sentenced the cream de la cream of the Biafra war efforts to an unkind death by firing squad. Invasion of the Mid-West to me could have been part of a strategy to move into the West as part of the agreement reached at the Yoruba Leaders of Thought meeting, where it was agreed that the West should ask Banjo for help.

The first person Banjo called on the phone after making his broadcast in Benin was his elder sister to get a final go ahead for the man to move into the West with his troops. As per the dates, I am not good at that. But you may want to take a cue from what Prof. Ogunsheye wrote on pages 55 – 57:

“This broadcast (by Banjo) was neither relayed by any other radio station in Nigeria nor did any newspaper dare pick it up. The transcript copy of the broadcast here presented was obtained from the British Broadcasting Corporation Transcription Service. All through the war, people continue to link Victor falsely with the January 1966 coup. Similarly, there was a great confusion about his role as the head of a force consisting largely of Biafran soldiers. It was clear to me that he had borrowed the soldiers to attempt a liberation of the West. He had heard about the decisions of the Western Leaders of Thought meeting to secede, if Biafra was allowed to go and disarming of Yoruba soldiers in the West, the infiltration of foreign Chadian soldiers to reinforce the soldiers of Northern origin, whose removal from the West had not been implemented and the general siege situation in the West of an army of occupation.

“It was alleged that Awolowo did meet him, when he visited the East on a peace mission before the announcement of secession. Victor in his marathon defence before the Biafran Tribunal confirmed that there was a previous agreement with the Western leaders. ‘When Ojukwu decided to declare an independent Republic of Biafra, I pleaded with him to postpone it as both the people of West and Mid-West were not as yet at that stage sufficiently strong militarily to take the same stand, even though they would wish it. I pointed out to him that his declaration of Biafra was not consistent with our plans and agreements. I told him that the people of the West, who were acting on the basis of the fact that I would bring assistance to them from here would consider the decision to declare Biafra at that time a betrayal of our agreement (Nelson Ottah)’

“There was no doubt that Victor borrowed troops from Ojukwu and received his help in the form of a Liberation Army. He had assisted Ojukwu with training of Biafran troops and fought brilliantly to protect the Northern Front as head of the 101st Division. In return, Ojukwu let him have the free hand to use the Brigade Victor led to liberate the Mid-West. His intention was to proceed to the West to liberate it. There were no previous written conditions attached on the political dispensation of the Mid-West except that it would be free and independent of both Biafra and the Federal Government.

“In fact, it was a Liberation Army as he emphasized in his broadcast. Njoku, in his book: A tradegy without heroes, confirmed that before the Mid-West invasion of August 9, 1967, there was no information with the Biafran Army Commander Headquarters about Biafran troops on operation to the Mid-West. The letter dated 22nd August received at the Army Headquarters in Enugu in which Ojukwu was alleged to have given specific instructions about the Mid-West invasion was an afterthought. It was written and sent after Victor had successfully invaded and took over the Mid-West and delivered his famous Radio Broadcast on August 14, 1967. According to Njoku’s account, ‘Victor’s speech angered everybody, including Ojukwu himself.’ Victor was immediately recalled to Enugu and placed under house arrest. Other accounts said Victor was so popular with his troops that Ojukwu had to pretend to be inviting him to Enugu for consultation. In fact, writes Njoku, ‘As the situation deteriorated (in the Benin war sector, in Victor’s absence), Ojukwu mysteriously freed Brigadier Banjo from arrest and returned him to active command of the 54th Brigade on the 6th September 1967.’ This was when Ojukwu took over the operations and it became a Biafran operation and conquest of the Mid-West.

“The speed of the 9th of August operation had taken everyone by surprise. Victor had studied military strategy and had employed an element of surprise in his two pronged invasion of the Mid-West taking on both Benin and the important oil town of Warri. He had been involved in training the Biafran Army. He had applied his knowledge of military engineering acquired at Shrivenham, The Royal Military College of Science, now Cranfield University, to the local fabrication and manufacture of weapons, tanks and other military weaponry that now grace the War Museum Collection as examples of indigenous effort. It was understandable that in return for for his services as he said in his speech, Ojukwu should agree to let him have troops for the liberation of the West.

“I was worried after his broadcast. Will the West accept his offer of liberation by a troop made up of Biafran soldiers? Suddenly, the telephone rang. Victor’s voice came on loud and clear from nowhere! ‘Hi Sis! It’s me!’ I could not believe it. We have not heard from him since the Eastern Region declared secession on May 30, 1967. ‘Where are you speaking from?’ I said, with fear for his safety gripping me. ‘I am speaking from Benin.’ ‘Are you sure it is safe to speak? I listened to your broadcast as Brigadier of the Liberation Army.’ ‘You don’t have to worry about telephone tapping of this conversation. I have fixed a device at this end to scramble it, in case anyone was listening in. How are things at Ibadan?’ ‘Tense, but quiet,’ I replied. ‘We hope to be in Ibadan by tomorrow. But I don’t want to fight my way through. I don’t want my homeland, Yorubaland, to become the theatre of war. Do you think they still want me to come?’ ‘Buk, beware, that the Ilorin Afonja episode does not repeat itself. On that historic occasion, the invited force assassinated their host and installed themselves in power. Ilorin has since been ruled by them.’ ‘No, Sis. That is why I want to know if my forces will be welcomed. If at least 50% of the people are in favour, I shall come in. We are a Liberation Army, not an invading force.’ ‘Ayo is away in Lagos. You should phone one of the front benchers in the Leaders of Thought Committee,’ I said. ‘Do you have a telephone number of any of them?’ he asked. ‘No. I don’t. But I can look up the Ibadan directory for you.’ Suddenly, there was a buzz on the line and it went dead.

“Fifteen minutes later, a member of the front benchers called. He had called earlier in the day to apprise me of the presence of Victor in Benin. ‘Buk just phoned,’ I said. ‘He wants to know if 50% of the people still want him to come.’ ‘Why is he asking for their approval? Most of these leaders are fence-sitters,’ he said. ‘He should have just marched in.’ ‘This was not my impression of the leaders at the Yoruba Leaders of Thought meeting,’ I replied. The Leaders of Thought meeting had taken place some months back. Since then, a lot had happened on the Western Front. Chief Awolowo had joined Gowon’s Government. ‘Do not take any more phone calls. It is dangerous now,’ he said, before he left.

Wale Adedayo

________________________________________________________________________________

Prof. Bolaji Aluko: (Does Auntie Bimpe's book tell you/us anything about where Victor Banjo was between August 22 and September 22? Was he in Biafra,
commanding troops towards Lagos, or just in Benin, either giving orders
or arguing endlessly with Ojukwu?)

I believe this has been answered in the second part where the woman revealed Banjo was detained by Ojukwu for his effrontery in making the categorical statements he did after the successful seizure of the Mid-West.

(If, in fact the Western leaders BETRAYED him, that means that he could
NOT convince Ojukwu of that, whereupon he was executed on September 25,
1967. Would that not be a miscarriage of justice, some kind of
scape-goatism? But more intriguing, who betrayed Ifeajuna, Agbamuche
and Alale - the same Midwestern/Western leaders?)

No sir! The four guys murdered by Ojukwu through the machinations of those envious of their brilliance and closeness to Ojukwu had almost the same thoughts. Banjo was betrayed on three fronts – Yoruba Leaders who accepted the Hausa-Fulani divide and conquer gift of including them in Gowon’s government; the ‘Federal’ Government and the Biafran Nation, which exhibited the worst form of ingratitude to a military genius whose warning they refused to heed leading to the avoidable slaughter and needless deaths of thousands either through bullets, bombs or hunger. The other three were betrayed by the same ‘Federal’ Government, because as in the case of Banjo, they wanted rapprochement with Nigeria and by the Igbo people, who refused to see the danger clearly ahead of them despite warnings by the brilliant trio who did more than all the Njokus of this world in the way and manner they pursued the Biafran agenda.

(For me, when I read Banjo's speech, Ojukwu's letter and the chronology
of events, there are just too many things that don't add up, and really,
it is hard for me to see how Prof. Bimpe Ogunseye's sisterly book can
shed light on these.)

The following is Prof. Ogunsheye’s analytical response to Ojukwu’s letter of after thought:

“This letter had been overtaken by events. The West had been rearmed and were now participating in the Federal Government as partners. Awolowo was now a Federal Minister in Gowon’s government. Victor, however, did not raise any issue with Ojukwu. He knew the situation had changed. He could now only march to the West as an invader at the head of a Brigade of foreign Biafran troops. He had announced on August 9 in Benin that he was fighting for one Nigeria. Ojukwu in his letter rejected the idea of one Nigeria and in fact sought its dismemberment. The East, he reaffirmed, would not be part of one Nigeria. There was no going back on its secession and separation from the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He was, however, ready to annex the Mid-West now regarded as conquered territory, no longer liberated territory. Victor was no longer to have anything to do with the Mid-West or make any announcement on its political disposition.

“He would support Victor in his attempt to liberate the West. He now had the backing of his Council to loan him Biafran forces on certain conditions:

a.) Biafran troops will remain in the West after the liberation for as long as he, Ojukwu, and Biafra deem fit;

b.) During that period, all political measures, statements and decrees must be subject to Ojukwu’s approval or on his authority;

c.) Victor’s appointment as military governor of the Yorubaland will emanate from Ojukwu and be subject to his pleasure;

d.) Should Lagos be also liberated by the forces under Victor’s Command, Ojukwu and Biafra will have the right to nominate a military administrator for Lagos. Lagos, for the purpose of this exercise, is therefore not considered Yorubaland until a merger of that territory is effected with Yorubaland. No such condition was necessary for all the other Yorubaland territory north of Western Region to Jebba on the Niger.

“How, after the volte-face in the Mid-West, anyone expects Victor to accept these conditions beats the imagination! Victor must have written his consent as required in the document. He thus won his freedom from arrest and detention to lead now the 54th Brigade to Yorubaland?

“Victor thought he needed time to work out another strategy to resolve the problem in keeping in view his ideas on the concept of one Nigeria. Back at Benin, he met a demoralised and frightened Biafran force and a hostile civilian population who did not bargain for subjugation under Biafra. As Ogbemudia in his book, Years of Challenge, observed: ‘An underground resistance movement was formed to harass the now largely Ibo occupation force. There were also very many incidence of arrests and killing of the non-Ibo population.’ It gave Victor a preview of what would happen in Yorubaland, if he also overran it for the Ojukwu government of the Mid-West.

“It has been suggested in the writings of some Biafran officers that Victor was unable to return to the West. Even Gowon admitted to his wife that they knew he had nothing to do with the January 15, 1966 coup. Nobody was looking for him for a revenge action. In the West, he was well thought of. Victor was a nationalist to the core. He sympathised with the Biafrans for the genocide directed at them, but his concept of one Nigeria was steadfast.

“This gave credence to the real or imagined dialogue between Ojukwu and Victor that Kole Omotoso recorded in his book, Just before dawn, (pages 286/287). ‘Victor …”We must enlarge the base of the struggle beyond the suffering Ibos.” Ojukwu …”Victor, I don’t know if you know how much people have suffered …” Victor …”We must not forget the feelings of the minorities … They are of importance in the way this whole thing will turn out.” Ojukwu … “Don’t talk to me about minorities,” Ojukwu said, waving aside the issue. Victor Banjo could not believe that someone of Ojukwu’s intelligence could not recognise that the case of the Ibos must be a base to launch forward for the rest of the country.”

“The full import of this discussion must have dawned on Victor, if in fact, it did take place. On his release from detention to return to Benin to salvage the deteriorating situation, he must have reflected on the Biafran leader’s bidding in relation to the West. Victor was nobody’s puppet as observed by the British Times of London. He did what his gentleman officer’s mind dictated. He was a highly moral and caring person. Ademoyega, again, commented on his high moral standard, thus: ‘Finally, the charge the he, Banjo, took money from the British High Commission was utterly false and frivolous. Ojukwu himself knew that to be so. Banjo was w ell to do officer and was quite comfortable. He had no need to look for cash. Banjo entered the Mid-West with no more than five thousand pounds given him for the operations. He had not spent more than five hundred pounds, before he handed over the remainder to me for operations. While in Benin, he received several instructions from Ojukwu to break into the Central Bank, Benin and remove whatever money was there. Banjo completely refused to do it, saying it was not honourable. The truth was Ojukwu needed a scapegoat for his utter lack of preparation for the war and for his failure to find means of supporting his soldiers on the field.’

“Victor always liked tidy situations according to records left in his trail. He stopped to make sure there was a friendly government behind him in the Mid-West, instead of dashing off to Lagos and risk running into an ambush of federal troops both in front and behind him. He also wanted to make sure he could come into the West without spilling innocent blood. This time, he saw the writing on the wall. The bridges had been broken; the performance of Biafran troops had deteriorated. They were unable to perform against a superior federal force. Victor did not run away either. Instead, he withdrew the already demoralised Biafran troops to Agbor, where they would be safer in an Ibo area of the Mid-West, and then came back to Biafra to confront Ojukwu with the realities of the situation and plans for a new strategy for participation in the federation. He knew he was taking a risk, but he decided that was the honourable option for him.”

Ends. For now. But I am prepared for queries.

Wale Adedayo